GA/DIS/3173

TREATY ON NON-PROLIFERATION OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS FOCUS OF DISCUSSION, AS DISARMAMENT COMMITTEE CONTINUES GENERAL DEBATE

In the First Committee (Disarmament and International Security) this morning, two countries that have not acceded to the 1967 Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) -� India and Cuba -- said that, while many countries believed the 2000 Review Conference of the Treaty had been a success, the NPT�s discriminatory provisions had legitimized the possession of nuclear weapons, rather than curb their proliferation.

The representative of India said that for five decades his country had raised its voice for universal and verifiable nuclear disarmament. Regrettably, its proposals had been disregarded. What had emerged instead was a discriminatory non-proliferation regime, underpinned by a Treaty that had frozen the status quo of 1967 and turned a blind eye to reality. India had thus been forced to develop its nuclear option, because the nuclear-weapon States who were party to the NPT had refused to accept the almost universal demand for nuclear disarmament, even as the spread of nuclear weapons and their delivery systems had continued unabated in his region. India�s policy, however, was based on responsibility and restraint, with minimum nuclear deterrence and a no-first-use policy.

The representative of Cuba said that, although some countries were pleased with the results of the recent Review Conference, he was not. The States parties had failed to reach practical agreements to ensure the elimination of the 35,000 nuclear weapons within a specified time frame. Furthermore, there had been no concrete action demonstrating the will to turn the formal commitment towards nuclear disarmament into a reality. Indeed, only a few months after the NPT Review Conference, some nuclear-weapon States had done everything possible to block the Millennium Summit�s Declaration from including even a modest call for an international conference on appropriate ways and means of eliminating nuclear dangers.

The representative of the Republic of Korea, on the other hand, hailed the 2000 NPT Review Conference as one of the most significant events of the year. He said the comprehensive consensus document had squarely addressed such important issues as nuclear disarmament, treaty compliance and universality, and the strengthened review process. Of utmost importance was the �unequivocal undertaking� by the nuclear-weapons States to eliminate their nuclear arsenals. The future task lay in translating that pledge into action. Due to the complexity and delicacy of the nuclear disarmament process, the main responsibility rested upon the nuclear-weapon States themselves.

First Committee - 1a - Press Release GA/DIS/3173 7th Meeting (AM) 6 October 2000

Mongolia�s representative said that the call by the States parties to the NPT for nuclear-weapon States to make further unilateral reductions in their nuclear arsenals and to quickly engage in a process leading to the total elimination of those weapons could open the way to practical nuclear disarmament. Meanwhile, nuclear weapons should be de-alerted and removed from their delivery vehicles. The nuclear-weapon States should jointly undertake no-first-use policies and grant legally-binding security assurances to all non- nuclear-weapon States parties to the NPT. He welcomed the joint statement made yesterday by the United States, on behalf of the five nuclear-weapon States, to provide security assurances to his country in connection with its nuclear- weapon-free status.

Statements were also made by the representatives of Turkey, United Republic of Tanzania, Yemen, Sri Lanka and Uruguay. The Permanent Observer of the Holy See also addressed the Committee.

The Committee will meet at 3 p.m. today to continue its general debate.

First Committee - 3 - Press Release GA/DIS/3173 7th Meeting (AM) 6 October 2000

Committee Work Programme

The First Committee (Disarmament and International Security) met this morning to continue its general debate. Representatives of the following countries were expected to participate in today�s discussion: Turkey; India; Holy See; Cuba; Republic of Korea; Mongolia; United Republic of Tanzania; Yemen; Sri Lanka; and Uruguay.

The debate was expected to focus on, among other items, the recent outcome of the 2000 Review Conference of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), in which the nuclear-weapon States agreed to an �unequivocal undertaking� to accomplish the total elimination of their nuclear arsenals. They also agreed that the achievement of that goal offered the �only absolute guarantee� against the use of such weapons.

The final document of the NPT Review Conference marked only the second time that the five-year Review produced a consensus. The outcome, according to the Under-Secretary-General for Disarmament Affairs, had expressed the world�s �unambiguous� lack of confidence in the ability of either deterrence or defence to prevent another Hiroshima or Nagasaki. The NPT provides the legal foundation for multilateral actions to prohibit the proliferation of nuclear weapons and to advance nuclear disarmament. Considered by many experts to be the bedrock of the non-proliferation regime, it is the most universal of all disarmament agreements, with 187 parties.

Treaties banning the production and stockpiling of other weapons of mass destruction will also be highlighted. Those include the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction (Biological Weapons Convention); and the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction (Chemical Weapons Convention).

The pending entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) will also be considered, as well as the creation and consolidation of nuclear-weapon-free zones. Existing zones include the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (Treaty of Tlatelolco), the South Pacific Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty (Treaty of Rarotonga), the South-East Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty (Treaty of Bangkok) and the African Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty (Treaty of Pelindaba). Committee drafts are anticipated for the establishment of such zones in the Middle East, Central Europe and South Asia.

Attention will also be directed at developments concerning the following bilateral arrangements: the 1972 Treaty on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems (ABM Treaty), by which the United States and the Russian Federation agreed to limit the deployment and development of anti-ballistic missiles; and the Strategic Arms Limitation and Reduction Treaties -- START I, II and III, by which the two countries also agreed to significantly reduce the number of deployed strategic nuclear warheads.

The landmines issue will likely be examined in the context of the two instruments to ban or limit their use -- Protocol II of the Convention on the Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed To Be Excessively Injurious or To Have Indiscriminate Effects (Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons), and the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-personnel Mines and on Their Destruction (Ottawa Convention).

(For detailed background, see Press Release GA/DIS/3168 issued 29 September).

Statements

UMIT PAMIR (Turkey) said that his country regarded the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) as the cornerstone of security and stability in Europe. The adapted CFE Treaty, which was signed in Istanbul in November 1999, brought legally binding limitations to bear on the armed forces of the States parties. That Treaty would enhance peace, security and stability in Europe.

Turning to small arms, he said that the problem of proliferation was truly global and, as such, required concerted multilateral action. There was an urgent need for better cooperation, including in such areas as border control, intelligence sharing, international monitoring and increased transparency. For effective international control, Turkey encouraged transparency in the transfers of conventional weapons. It advocated the expansion of the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms to include small arms and light weapons categories. It also supported similar initiatives under the framework of the Wassemar Arrangement and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).

He said that Turkey had observed with concern the ongoing transfers of weapons of mass destruction and missile materiel and technology. If that trend continued, over the next decade the primary customers of that materiel might eventually become suppliers to possible proliferators. His country believed in the necessity of extreme vigilance in the transfers of sensitive materials and technology to regions of particular concern, such as the Middle East. While the main responsibility for effective international cooperation for the prevention of proliferation lay with supplier countries, countries located on the routes of transfers should also cooperate with the suppliers to prevent unauthorized access to those goods and technologies.

He added that the entry into force of the CTBT would be significantly eased through its ratification by those countries that had not yet signed the Treaty, especially those that had tested nuclear weapons in the past. The effective implementation of that Treaty would be beneficial to the global nuclear non-proliferation regime and to its pillar, the NPT. In view of its proximity to the region, Turkey attached importance to the implementation of the �Resolution on the Middle East� adopted by the 1995 NPT Review Conference, which calls for the establishment of a Middle East zone free of nuclear and all other weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems. That resolution had also been reconfirmed by the final document of the 2000 Review Conference under �Regional Issues�.

SALEEM SHERVANI (India) said that, at the dawn of a new century, the First Committee had the responsibility to chart a course on the basis of a collective reappraisal of the past, a realistic assessment of the present and a meaningful look at the future. Deliberations must also be underpinned by the understanding that, in the emerging �multi-polar world�, only a plural security order could deal with the challenges to international peace and security. For half a century, the international community had failed to effectively reduce the threat posed by nuclear weapons. Parties to the NPT and their allies had attributed salience to the role of nuclear weapons in their �security calculus�. New doctrines and justifications for the renewed retention of nuclear weapons had been developed, and nuclear sharing arrangements had been maintained.

Continuing, he said that such an approach was contrary to the equal and legitimate security required for enhancing international peace and security and had ignored the 1996 historic advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice. That opinion had unanimously concluded that there an obligation existed to pursue, in good faith, and conclude negotiations in nuclear disarmament in all its aspects, under strict and effective international control. In the post-cold-war period, there was no justification for the maintenance of thousands of nuclear weapons in a state of hair-trigger alert, thereby creating unacceptable risks that could have disastrous consequences for humankind. The international community was fully entitled to commitments by all nuclear-weapon States to reduce the risk of an accidental or unauthorized use of nuclear weapons.

A number of proposals for achieving nuclear disarmament had been submitted, he went on. Those had attributed the highest priority to steps to reduce the risks of the accidental or unauthorized use of nuclear weapons. Two years ago, his delegation had initiated a draft resolution on reducing nuclear danger, which had received widespread support. It would reintroduce the draft, with the expectation that steps would be taken to reduce the risk of hair- trigger postures and nuclear doctrines. He fully supported the Secretary- General�s proposal for a global conference to seriously address and effectively eliminate nuclear dangers. His country continued to attach the highest priority to nuclear disarmament. Even today, India remained the only nuclear-weapon State ready to commence multilateral negotiations aimed at creating a nuclear- weapon-free world, thus positively responding to the opinion of the International Court of Justice.

He said that, for five decades, his country had raised its voice for universal and verifiable nuclear disarmament and had been in the forefront of proposals in that regard, which were well known to all. Regrettably, however, those proposals had been disregarded. Rather, what had emerged was a discriminatory non-proliferation regime underpinned by a Treaty that had �frozen the status quo of 1967 while turning a Nelson�s eye to reality�. India had been forced to develop its nuclear option because the NPT nuclear-weapon States had refused to accept the almost universal demand for nuclear disarmament, even as the proliferation of nuclear weapons and their delivery systems had continued unabated in its neighbourhood. India�s policy, however, had been based on responsibility and restraint, with minimum nuclear deterrence and a no-first-use policy defining its deployment posture.

He said his country stood ready to strengthen its undertaking on a no-first-use policy by entering into bilateral agreements to that effect or a multilateral instrument on a global no-first-use of nuclear weapons, which would meet the demand for unqualified negative security assurances raised by a large majority of non-nuclear-weapon States. After a limited series of tests in May 1998, it had declared a voluntary moratorium on further underground nuclear-test explosions, thereby meeting the basic obligation of the CTBT. Developments in other countries, however, had demonstrated that the CTBT was not a simple issue and required a consensual approach. India was committed to building a national consensus on creating a possible environment to sign the Treaty. It also expected that other countries would adhere to that Treaty without conditions. It had also made clear that it would not stand in the way of the Treaty�s entry into force.

India had joined consensus on the 1998 resolution calling for a fissile material cut-off treaty, he recalled. That procedural text, adopted without a vote, had reaffirmed the substance of an early draft adopted in 1993. India was ready to participate, constructively and in good faith, in those negotiations in order to develop a non-discriminatory and verifiable Treaty prohibiting the future production of fissile material for nuclear weapons. For its part, the Conference on Disarmament must respond to the priorities of the global disarmament agenda. The international community�s highest priority had remained the establishment of an ad hoc committee on nuclear disarmament. As the single multilateral negotiating forum on disarmament, the Conference should fully utilize the mechanisms provided in its rules of procedure for building the consensus needed for future negotiations, which reflected the priority interests of all delegations.

He said his country had viewed the progressive �de-legitimization� of nuclear weapons as essential to the achievement of a nuclear-weapon-free world, just as the 1925 Geneva Protocol had led to the elimination of an entire category of weapons of mass destruction through the conclusion of the Chemical Weapons Convention. In that regard, as in previous years, India would submit a resolution on a convention prohibiting the use of nuclear weapons. Concerning nuclear-weapon-free zones, India had consistently maintained that those could not do justice to the wide variety of concerns emanating from the global nature of the threat posed by nuclear weapons. At the same time, it respected the sovereign choice exercised by non-nuclear-weapon States in establishing such zones on the basis of arrangements freely arrived at among the States of the region concerned.

In that connection, he said, the guidelines on that subject, agreed to by the Disarmament Commission in 1999, had proved useful in the consideration of further measures to reduce the global threat posed by nuclear weapons. India had fully respected the status of the nuclear-weapon-free zone in South-East Asia and was ready to convert that commitment into a legal obligation. It had also remained responsive to the expressed need for the creation of other nuclear-weapon-free zones. India was prepared to extend the necessary commitments for the early realization of the nuclear-weapon-free zone in Central Asia and for the interaction with the States of Central Asia, including in the framework of the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia.

He said his country also remained fully committed to maintaining and further strengthening its already effective and transparent system of export control of technologies, in line with the objective of non-proliferation in all its aspects, without affecting the peaceful applications of those dual-use technologies. As a developing country, India had had to pay a �high development cost� due to the existence of discriminatory export control mechanisms, some of which were contrary to existing treaty provisions. He supported multilaterally negotiated, universally accepted, non-discriminatory guidelines for the international transfer of dual-use technologies and high technologies with military applications. It would, once again, table the resolution on the role of science and technology in the context of international security and disarmament.

Arms limitation and disarmament treaties must be implemented fully and in good faith, in order to contribute to stability, he said. Unilateral actions perceived as inconsistent with treaties had reduced the prospects for nuclear disarmament progress -� a goal to which everyone was firmly committed. To date, the missile proliferation challenge had been tackled through a selective approach based on alliances and informal approaches relating to �technology denial regimes�. In recent years, missile defence systems had been introduced as a possible answer. Those were unlikely to provide a satisfactory solution. At the same time, concerns relating to missile proliferation should be addressed through genuine multilateralism and through efforts to diminish the salience of weapons of mass destruction, particularly nuclear weapons.

In a related matter, he said his country had consistently opposed the �weaponization� of outer space which had been described, in an international treaty law, as the common heritage of humankind. The Conference on Disarmament had been unable to address issues relating to the prevention of an outer space arms race during its 2000 session. Nonetheless, the Conference had the primary responsibility for negotiating a multilateral agreement or agreements on the prevention of such an arms race. Existing legal instruments were inadequate in deterring imminent attempts to further militarize outer space. Technological development, including of ballistic missile defence, could open up new areas of competition and an arms race. He supported the early commencement of negotiations in the Conference on an appropriate instrument, which would, as a first step, ensure the non-weaponization of outer space while, at the same time, preserve its use for the full range of cooperative, peaceful and development activities.

Continuing, he said his country supported the convening of the International Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects. The Conference should cover transfers of such arms that risked becoming a source of illicit diversion and circulation. It should also adopt an integrated approach to ammunition and explosives. Priority for international action lay in �breaking the nexus� between small arms proliferation, international terrorism, drug smuggling, organized crime and money laundering, and the so-called �grey markets� that fed that link. India also remained committed to the goal of a non-discriminatory, universal and global ban on anti- personnel mines, through a phased process that addressed the legitimate defence requirements of States, while at the same time ameliorated the critical humanitarian crises that had resulted from their irresponsible transfer and indiscriminate use.

RENATO RAFFAELE MARTINO, Permanent Observer of the Holy See, said that since the first duty of the United Nations was to preserve and promote peace throughout the world, the First Committee had a vital role to play in establishing political norms for peace. To carry out the pledge of the Millennium Summit, nations must build respect for the rule of law and ensure compliance with the United Nations Charter and the decisions of the International Court of Justice.

He noted that after three years of steady decline, the number of wars fought worldwide had increased significantly in 1999, when there were no less than 40 armed conflicts being fought on the territories of 36 countries. Sixteen of those conflicts took place in Africa, 14 in Asia, six in the Middle East, two in Europe and two in the Americas. Those conflicts, fed by arms dealers with rapacious appetites for money, were a scandal of modern civilization. The widespread availability of small arms and light weapons contributed towards intensifying conflicts by increasing the lethality and duration of violence. It was an even greater shame that many small arms were readily obtainable by children, who were enslaved into being combatants and porters by warring factions.

It was no accident that the vast majority of States experiencing war were among the most poverty-stricken, he went on. Those conflicts, which consumed large amounts of resources needed for economic and social development, were responsible for the displacement of people, the vast majority civilian and mostly women and children. The Holy See gave its full support to the 2001 Conference on small arms and light weapons in the hope that it would develop and strengthen international efforts to prevent, combat and eradicate the illicit trade in those weapons. Pointing out that some major countries were still outside the Ottawa Convention, he appealed to them to join that important movement to avert even more human suffering.

He added that the United Nations should play a leading role in advancing measures for nuclear disarmament, because the Organization had the ability to gather together the world community and express its collective will for peace and human security. As the Holy See�s representative had said at the Millennium Summit, the United Nations needed to develop its capacities in the area of preventive diplomacy. For its part, the Holy See would always support initiatives in favour of peace, including those aimed at strengthening respect for international law and controlling arms proliferation.

RAFAEL DAUSA CESPEDES (Cuba) said that, even while delegations delivered speeches insisting that the cold war no longer existed, in the real world military expenditures had grown and sophisticated weapons -- increasingly more efficient in their role of human annihilation �- continued to be produced. If the cold war had ended, how was it possible then that, in 1999, military spending had risen to the unbelievable amount of $780 billion? Everyone had become so accustomed to those realities that they sometimes went unnoticed, in spite of the fact that more than 1.3 billion people were living today in the most dreadful poverty.

He said that some countries had been delighted with the results of the sixth NPT Review Conference. He could not be pleased when the States parties had failed to reach practical agreements within a specified time frame, ensuring the elimination of the 35,000 nuclear weapons. At present, there had been no concrete action demonstrating the will to turn the formal commitment towards nuclear disarmament into a reality. Indeed, only a few months after the NPT Review Conference, some nuclear-weapon States had done everything possible to block the Millennium Summit�s Final Declaration from including a modest call for holding an international conference to determine the appropriate ways and means to eliminate nuclear dangers.

Such a position was fully inconsistent with the commitment undertaken by the nuclear-weapon States to eliminate nuclear weapons, he said. At the current session, the First Committee would consider a resolution calling for the convening of that international conference, which should result in a phased programme towards the total elimination of nuclear weapons within a specific time frame. Also worrisome was the adoption by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) of a new strategic concept, which expanded the role of nuclear weapons in security doctrines. It was unacceptable to his country that certain countries continued to defend military doctrines based on, among other things, the possession of nuclear weapons.

He said that the NPT�s provisions were essentially �discriminatory and selective�, since those had legitimized the possession of nuclear weapons by a selected club of countries. That was why Cuba had neither subscribed to nor ratified the Treaty. Despite the fact that his country, therefore, had no obligations whatsoever to negotiate safeguard agreements with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), it had decided to subject all of its nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards, which it had rigorously met. Moreover, last October, his country signed an Additional Protocol to its Safeguard Agreements, thus becoming the first country to do so.

Notwithstanding international rejection, the United States Government�s decision to establish a powerful anti-missile defence programme had not been discarded, but simply postponed, he said. The research and development plans for that system were still in progress. His country opposed the establishment of such a national system, which would constitute a �flagrant violation� of the ABM Treaty and would open the door to an arms race, even in outer space. Thus, he strongly supported the draft resolution on the item, which would -- once again -- be submitted.

He said he was also concerned about the situation of �virtual stagnation� in the Conference on Disarmament, and even more concerned about the insinuations of some countries that disarmament and arms control negotiations would have to be carried out without the involvement of the Conference. That body had to be preserved since it was the only multilateral negotiation organ on disarmament. Cuba, in its capacity as a member of that body, would continue to work with a broad spirit of flexibility, in order to further the goal of agreeing on a work programme to enable the start of substantive negotiations.

Continuing, he said that one of the most important forthcoming events was the 2001 International Conference on the Illicit Trade of Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects. Its success depended largely on the quality of the preparations. At the same time, the scope of the Conference should be limited to the illicit aspects of arms traffic. As discussions moved away from that mandate, it would be more difficult to reach broadly accepted results. Both the venue and date of the Conference should guarantee the widest participation.

SUN JOUN-YUNG (Republic of Korea) said that one of the most significant events this year was the 2000 NPT Review Conference. The comprehensive final document adopted by consensus squarely addressed important issues such as nuclear disarmament, treaty compliance and universality, and the strengthened review process. It was most important that the nuclear-weapons States agreed to the unequivocal undertaking to totally eliminate their nuclear arsenals. The future task would be to translate that undertaking into action. Due to the complexity and delicacy of the nuclear disarmament process, which was closely linked to global strategic relations, his country believed that the main responsibility for nuclear disarmament rested upon the nuclear-weapon States themselves.

He welcomed the recent ratification of START II by the Russian Federation and hoped that the United States and Russia would commence and conclude negotiations on START III as soon as possible. The Republic of Korea believed that further efforts should be made by nuclear-weapons States to increase transparency with regard to their nuclear-weapon capabilities, and that they should engage one another in the process of eliminating nuclear weapons. The four States not party to the NPT -� India, Pakistan, Israel and Cuba -� should also accede to that Treaty. His country looked forward to seeing the Democratic People�s Republic of Korea fulfil its stated intention to fully comply with the IAEA safeguards agreement as a states party to the NPT. His country also hoped for the implementation of the joint declaration on the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.

Turning to small arms and light weapons, he said that the 2001 United Nations Conference should serve as a forum for mobilizing political will and establishing a plan of action to combat the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons in all its aspects. That plan should incorporate politically or legally binding international norms, as well as an effective international cooperative mechanism that could handle practical measures in that regard. The scope of the Conference should be comprehensive, covering both reduction and prevention measures.

JARGALSAIKHANY ENKHSAIKHAN (Mongolia) said that at the turn of the century the world was still burdened with excessive arms �- some 30,000 nuclear warheads and 500 million small arms. In the last decade, the latter had caused approximately 90 per cent of the deaths and injuries of innocent civilians, of which 80 per cent were women and children. Military expenditures had grown since the end of the cold war, reaching $780 billion last year. Those statistics should be borne in mind by the international community as it pursued global peace, security, arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation.

He said that in the Millennium Summit Declaration, world leaders had underlined their determination to eliminate all weapons of mass destruction, particularly nuclear weapons. That commitment should be vigorously pursued. The nuclear-weapon States had committed themselves, at the 2000 NPT Review Conference, to �an unequivocal undertaking� to the total elimination of their nuclear arsenals leading to total nuclear disarmament. The Conference had called upon them to make further unilateral reductions in their nuclear arsenals and to engage, as soon as possible, in the process leading to the total elimination of their nuclear weapons. Those important statements, if implemented, could open the way to practical nuclear disarmament.

He called on the United States and the Russian Federation to follow-up on their earlier announcement regarding the discussions on START III. Also, Mongolia fully subscribed to the international appeal in bringing the CTBT into force as soon as possible. In that connection, it urged the key States to ratify the Treaty, which was a vitally important global instrument aimed at strengthening the non-proliferation regime. The ABM Treaty, if undermined, could �trigger an uncontrollable nuclear arms race with unpredictable consequences�. Bearing that in mind, his country welcomed the United States� decision to postpone the development of a national missile defence system.

It was important for the Conference on Disarmament to end its stalemate and engage in earnest negotiations on an early conclusion of a universal and verifiable fissile material cut-off treaty, he said. Pending its negotiations, he would welcome a moratorium by the nuclear-weapon States on the production of weapons grade fissile material and greater transparency through the disclosure of their present stocks. In that context, he recalled his Foreign Minister�s proposal to consider the establishment of a United Nations register of all stocks of weapons-grade fissile material.

Turning to the increasing concern over the emphasis on nuclear weapons in military doctrines, he said his country favoured the de-alerting of those weapons, removal of nuclear warheads from delivery vehicles, as well as joint undertakings by the nuclear-weapon States not to be the first to use nuclear weapons. Those were essential safety measures that would reduce the risk of the unauthorized or miscalculated use of those weapons. In addition, provision should be made for legally-binding negative security assurances to all non- nuclear-weapon States parties to the NPT. His country supported the Secretary- General�s proposal to convene a world conference to identify ways of eliminating nuclear dangers.

He said his country shared the legitimate concern of the world community over the global proliferation of small arms and light weapons, which were the �principle instruments of death� wherever conflicts had occurred. During the last decade alone, 5 million people had been killed in regions affected by armed conflicts in which small arms had been used. Hopefully, the forthcoming United Nations Conference on the subject would adopt an action programme designed to tighten control of those weapons, curb their spread and destroy surpluses.

The consolidation of existing nuclear-weapon-free zones and the establishment of new ones were a positive factor in strengthening the international non-proliferation regime, as well as regional stability and security, he said. In that context, he welcomed the 1999 Disarmament Commission guidelines on the creation of such zones and would underline the importance of those principles in the establishment of new zones in various regions, especially in regions of tension, including Central Asia. Eight years ago, his country had declared its territory a nuclear-weapon-free zone and had been pursuing its creation. Owing to the wide support of the international community, some progress had been achieved.

He recalled that, in 1998, the Assembly had adopted a resolution on Mongolia�s nuclear-weapon-free status, which welcomed that country�s declaration of its status and invited Member States, including the five nuclear-weapon States, to cooperate in strengthening his country�s international security and nuclear-weapon-free status. As a result of consultations, it was agreed that, due to its geopolitical location, Mongolia could not establish a nuclear-weapon- free zone in the traditional sense. It was also agreed that Mongolia�s case was unique, requiring an equally unique and creative approach. It was also agreed that, in Mongolia�s case, the status would be more effective and credible if its overall external security environment were strengthened.

In the context of prior resolutions and agreements on the subject, his country welcomed the joint statement on security assurances in connection with its nuclear-weapon-free status, which was made yesterday by the United States on behalf of the five nuclear-weapon States. In connection with that joint statement, his Government had issued a statement, which reviewed the background of its declaration of nuclear-weapon-free status. It also noted that, as a result of consultations with the nuclear-weapon States, those countries had issued yesterday�s joint statement.

DAUDI N. MWAKAWAGO (United Republic of Tanzania) regretted that, at the dawn of the new millennium, nuclear weapons remained a serious threat to human civilization. The world would never be safe unless, and until, nuclear weapons were completely eliminated. That was why his country fully supported the NPT and other measures aimed at comprehensive nuclear disarmament.

He welcomed the bilateral efforts of the Russian Federation and the United States for the reduction of their nuclear arsenals, he said. He also recognized and welcomed the ratification of START II by the Russian Federation and looked forward to the commencement of negotiations on START III. �It is our view, however, that these bilateral measures could be incorporated in a more inclusive multilateral framework, he said�. His Government supported the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones on the basis of agreements freely arrived at by the concerned States in those regions. Such zones would contribute to the objective of a world free of nuclear weapons. He would support a draft resolution on a nuclear-weapon-free Southern Hemisphere and adjacent areas. It also supported the efforts to establish a nuclear weapon-free-zone in Central Asia and called for such a zone in the Middle East.

He said that the scourge of the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons had reached alarming proportions. Those weapons were taking a tremendous toll of human life and threatened regional and international peace and security. He hoped that the 2001 Conference on the issue would declare a concrete plan of action against the scourge.

He added that, while there was neither a single remedy nor a quick fix to the problem of conflict, he commended all initiatives at the regional and subregional levels aimed at conflict resolution, particularly in Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The international community should support the regional initiatives aimed at resolving those conflicts, including sending a peacekeeping force to the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

MOHAMED ABDO AL-SINDI (Yemen) said that earlier this year at the Millennium Summit, world leaders had called for the end to war and the elimination of weapons of mass destruction. At the same time, the Under- Secretary-General for Disarmament Affairs had expressed his concern over the first rise in military expenditures since the end of the cold war, in the amount of $780 billion for 1999. On the other hand, half the world�s population still earned less than $2 per day. Even more dreadful was the proliferation of more than 30,000 nuclear warheads and 500 million light weapons, which constituted a threat to the hopes and aspirations for peace and tranquility.

He said he joined with all others concerned about the proliferation of arms and commended the demand for a more effective United Nations. The bilateral arrangements of the nuclear-weapon States, especially the United States and the Russian Federation, were of paramount importance. The Russian Parliament�s endorsement of the CTBT and of START II, as well as the decision by the United States to cease the deployment of a national missile defence system, had positive implications. He looked forward to the preservation of the ABM Treaty and the resumption of START III talks, as those were the two cornerstones of global stability. He also commended the statement made yesterday by the five nuclear weapon States on granting international security assurances to Mongolia.

He said his country had been among the first States to accede to a number of disarmament-related Treaties, namely the NPT, CTBT and the Ottawa Convention. The friendly countries that had provided assistance for the training in and de-mining of anti-personnel mines was welcome. His country had recently ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention. On conventional weapons, he had followed with keen interest the measures presently being taken to eliminate the illicit trafficking in small arms and light weapons. The forthcoming Conference on those weapons would underline the importance of enforcing both regional and international cooperation to grapple with that phenomenon, taking into account the specific characteristics of each country.

Regarding transparency in armaments, he said he supported the Arab position that the success of any transparency mechanism should be guided by specific balanced and non-discriminatory principles, which would support national, regional and international security for all countries. Given the special situation in the Middle East, it was worrisome that transparency had been applied to only seven types of conventional weapons, while ignoring other, more sophisticated and lethal weapons. That had led to undesirable and unbalanced results.

He said that the present deteriorating situation in the Middle East and the acts of aggression by Israel against unarmed Palestinians in Jerusalem and the occupied territories was �crystal clear testimony� that Israel was a risk factor jeopardizing the entire region. It possessed the most lethal weapons of mass destruction and was not a party to the NPT, despite repeated calls to join that Treaty and place its nuclear installations under IAEA safeguards. Its refusal to heed those calls had impeded all efforts aimed at establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region.

H.M.G.S. PALIHAKKARA (Sri Lanka) said that the rationale for a new missile defence system was debatable, at best. The testing and deployment of such a system could certainly provoke yet another round in the arms race. Those developments could also bring into question the political framework of the ABM Treaty, which the nuclear countries had accepted as a basis for reducing and eliminating nuclear weapons.

There were already disturbing signals that the new century would bring forth new and additional security challenges, he went on. The growing problem of the illicit arms trade was a clear and present threat to global peace and human security. Many intra-state conflicts were driven by the seemingly unlimited supplies of illicit procurements readily available. The nexus between the illicit arms trade and international smuggling networks pointed to the need to address that problem through international cooperation. He hoped that the 2001 Conference on small arms would break new grounds and take the first practical steps toward combating the threat posed by that problem. The large majority of developing countries, which were gravely affected by that international criminal activity, looked to the Conference to develop the framework for meaningful international cooperation to prevent, counter and eliminate illicit arms smuggling.

He shared the concerns regarding the possibility of new weapon developments undermining the peaceful uses of outer space, he added. Outer space had been an environment vital to the preservation of stability and security on earth. Any developments that could lead to its �weaponization� would undermine the security regime on earth and the peaceful uses of outer space. If opportunities for the weaponization of space were not foreclosed now, the international community might later have to grapple with cries for non-proliferation in outer space. That would be costly and unnecessary.

ALBERTO GUANI (Uruguay) said that the international community continued to retain structures designed for a world that was not there anymore. Nuclear, bacteriological and chemical weapons, as well as anti-personnel landmines, were classified as arms of mass destruction. Meanwhile, 5 million people, who were victims of the illicit arms trade, had died in the last five years.

Disarmament, in all its aspects, was at risk. The international community should immediately impose deadlines to eradicate nuclear weapons. Hope remained that the nuclear weapon States would implement their legal and moral obligations to eliminate and discontinue production of such weapons. Although strategic reductions were welcome, much more was needed.

His government would continue to support the creation of a southern hemisphere and adjacent areas that was free of nuclear weapons, he said. The creation of such a zone would strengthen regional peace and security, while the international community waited for the total elimination of nuclear arms. His Government also subscribed to the necessity of supporting the needs of coastal States with regard to the transportation of plutonium and radioactive waste on the high seas, as recalled during the sixth NPT Review Conference. Spent fuel should be recycled in reactors to avoid unnecessary risks and to comply with article IV of the NPT.

Turning to illicit transfer of small arms, he said that the Organization of American States (OAS) had created the first legally-binding instrument on that problem. It was now developing the means to limit production and its illicit trade in them. An action plan was expected to surface during inter- sessional meetings beginning this afternoon.

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United Nations