GA/SM/162

GENERAL ASSEMBLY PRESIDENT DELIVERS KEYNOTE ADDRESS IN NEW YORK AT ANNIVERSARY CELEBRATION OF ‘VICTORY OF PEACE’ IN VIET NAM

Following is the text of the keynote address by the President of the General Assembly, Theo-Ben Gurirab (Namibia) at the celebration of the Twenty- fifth Anniversary of the Victory of Peace in Viet Nam, at the Stephen Wise Free Synagogue in New York, on 30 April:

This is a momentous day –- 30 April -- for both the Vietnamese people and American people. But no less for the rest of the whole world.

Some see the outcome of the United States war in Viet Nam as a day of victory, while others see it as a day of defeat and disgrace. The rest of the world, which witnessed the horrendous destruction and mayhem of that war, remember nothing else but yet another case of the unmitigated ugliness of war.

At least 58,000 American soldiers died in Viet Nam. And more than 3 million Vietnamese. Many on both sides are still unaccounted for. Most, albeit not all, Americans have come to the conclusion that the Viet Nam war was a big mistake. The real victims were, of course, all the Vietnamese people themselves. Their country was brutally invaded, occupied and arbitrarily divided up into mutually hostile combat zones, the North and the South. The cold war had a big role to the detriment of all.

In retrospect, political, military and strategic thinkers, mostly here but elsewhere as well in the West, have alleged that for them the United States defeat in Viet Nam was, to quote The Economist, “a failure of political will, not of geopolitical or military strategy”. Many others, on the other hand, say that it was a doomed mission to begin with and America lost the war in the hearts and minds of its own citizens right here at home. That is because the war was not backed up by any vision, national unity, moral authority or enlightened leadership.

During the past 25 years, many books and articles have been written by virtually everyone who felt they had something to say: the victims and aggressors alike, especially those who engineered that full-scale onslaught against the peoples of Indo-China. What are we actually celebrating today beyond marking “the twenty-fifth anniversary of the victory of peace in Vietnam”? That is my question. For, pain and denial abound and reconciliation is fraught by bitter memories.

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You have invited me in my capacity as President of the United Nations General Assembly. I thank you and commend the organizers and supporters of today’s packed programme, and particularly, in this regard, the Vietnam Peace Twenty-fifth Anniversary Committee as well as the many distinguished panellists for their thoughts and excellence.

I am, however, also Namibia’s Minister for Foreign Affairs, Information and Broadcasting. On 21 March, Namibians and friends from many parts of the world celebrated our tenth independence anniversary. Some of you were there.

I came to this country in June 1963, as a United Nations fellow, to do my undergraduate and graduate studies at Temple University, next door in Philadelphia, the city of brotherly love. I found President Kennedy in the White House and started hearing the initial rumours of United States military involvement in Indo-China and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)’s covert operations in Viet Nam, in support of a puppet regime in Saigon. Soon I would join my American friends to mourn the untimely and tragic death of President Kennedy. I admired him very much, but I could not stomach the excuses to cover up the United States emerging role in Indo-China.

In the ensuing years, the much disputed involvement turned into a bleeding and ever deepening war pursued by the forces of death, destruction and darkness. I saw the political implosion of President Johnson and the collapse of his “Great Society”. Presidents Nixon and Ford were not any better as leaders in this regard and accelerated the costly process towards that ignominious flight from Saigon, as the Viet Cong triumphantly marched in to declare victory. Time will not allow deeper exposition and details of my life and times throughout that whole saga. I was here when the peace accord was signed in Paris.

Henry Kissinger, one of its signatories, lamented later that the United States war in Viet Nam had destroyed “the once near-universal faith in the uniqueness of our values and their relevance around the world”. Well, I don’t know which values he had in mind. Perhaps you all understand what Mr. Kissinger meant. I don’t. I remember My Lai and Agent Orange. Be that as it may.

For a young African freedom fighter, my encountering America in such a volatile state of internal political and social upheaval was both bewildering and yet, at the same time, empowering. I could identify with the two things.

First, Vietnamese resistance against foreign military invasion and occupation reminded me of what apartheid’s troops and tanks were doing in my own country, Namibia. Second, international solidarity, in a big way, became for me real, alive and all-inclusive across racial and cultural lines. Many Americans were opposed to the war in Viet Nam and thus gave succour, sustenance and a moral boost to the Vietnamese people in their struggle. I hoped for the same for the South West Africa People’s Organization (SWAPO) and the Namibian patriots –- solidarity and support. This eventually happened, but much later.

I saw and I was encouraged by the strong and constructive linkages binding together the peace and anti-war movement, the women’s revolution, student

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protests, workers demands, civil rights marches and activism of the progressive intelligentsia in this country into a common pursuit of global peace, human security and multilateral negotiations to solve world problems and bring justice and equality for all.

It was the forging of a noble tradition of international solidarity and cooperation. Namibia’s independence in 1990, the birth of a free and democratic South Africa in 1994, the political and social changes in the United States and this very commemoration should remind us of those united efforts. But don’t forget there are still many worthy causes out there.

For now, I just want to add a few more things. I, for example, think of peace, cooperation and reconciliation between Viet Nam and the United States. My official visit to Viet Nam coincided with the arrival of the first United States Ambassador in Hanoi to formalize the establishment of full diplomatic relations between Viet Nam and the United States. A monument was finally built in Washington, D.C. to remember and honour those who died for their country and to nurture national healing.

South-East Asia is constructively developing and booming economically, with the United States as one of the key economic and trade partners. The cold war is over and the United Nations is being reformed as a melting pot of ideas and the only viable platform for joint actions by nations and peoples of the world. Today, the common enemies threatening us all everywhere are nuclear bombs, poverty, debt crisis, lack of resources, HIV/AIDS and environmental degradation. But, I think it’s more a question of courage, planning, goodwill and coordination on the part of world leaders.

Our world is not yet a safer and better place for all. Disparities, inequalities, injustices, armed conflicts, ethnic cleansing, domestic violence, organized crime and drug trafficking are still the order of the day, both in the industrialized and developing countries. These are the remaining or among the most pressing challenges facing humankind. I urge you, one and all, to join a global united front, in partnership and solidarity, so that we can effectively fight against and defeat these common enemies of yesterday, today and tomorrow. If we do so, we will be able to celebrate a real and lasting victory of peace and reconciliation. All those who died for peace, justice and brotherhood everywhere would then not have died in vain.

Thus, at the beginning of this new millennium, all the nations and peoples of the world should rededicate themselves to the pledge to secure a safe future particularly for our children. We need a collective effort to strengthen friendly relations among nations. We need to remove all threats to peace and foster international cooperation and settle all disputes by peaceful means, whatever their origin or nature. We need to promote respect for human rights, ensure especially economic rights for the poor and needy, encourage democracy and uphold gender equality.

Last year, the United Nations General Assembly proclaimed the period 2001 to 2010 as the "International Decade for a Culture of Peace and Non-Violence for

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the Children of the World”. This has become the theme of my Presidency. It must be a culture which consists of new mindsets, values, attitudes and actions that reflect and inspire human dignity, social harmony and inter-communal sharing.

Senator McCain’s latest visit to Viet Nam is a good symbolism at this time. And here is Ambassador Chau of Viet Nam participating in these commemorative activities. Let us keep hope alive and use these symbolisms beneficially as we look to the future, with the knowledge of the past.

So today, let us remember all the men, women and children who lost their lives during the war in Viet Nam. And let us encourage and help the two nations and their respective peoples to walk together as friends and partners into a bright future for mutual benefit and on the basis of mutual respect.

Our world has witnessed just too much suffering. All nations and peoples should, therefore, take hands to ensure that our world is, indeed, a better and safer place to live in. In this connection, non-governmental organizations must continue to play a critical role in galvanizing the global community into action and produce positive results. The forthcoming Millennium Summit that will bring together world leaders in New York in September, and the Millennium Forum preceding it, should inspire all of us to that end. I will see you there.

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